The parties agreed to hold elections to angola`s National Assembly in October 1975. From 31 January 1975 to independence, a transitional government, composed of the Portuguese High Commissioner, Admiral Rosa Coutinho, and a Prime Minister (PMC) was to govern. The PMC was made up of three representatives, one of each Angolan party to the agreement, with a rotating Prime Minister among the representatives. Each PMC decision required two-thirds support. The twelve ministries were divided between the Angolan parties and the Portuguese government, three each. Author Witney Wright Schneidman criticized this provision in Engaging Africa: Washington and the Fall of Portugal`s Colonial Empire for a “virtual paralysis of executive power.” The Office of Intelligence and Research warned that the excessive desire to maintain the balance of power in the agreement limited the functioning of Angola`s interim government. [1] [2] Treaty: an agreement resulting from the convergence of the will of two or more subjects of international law, formalized in a written text, with a view to obtaining legal effects at the international level. The agreement required the integration of the militant wing of the Angolan parties into a new army, the Angolan armed forces. The ADF would have 48,000 active soldiers, consisting of 24,000 local black soldiers of the Portuguese army and 8,000 fighters from the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA. Each party should have separate barracks and outposts.

Any military decision required the unanimous agreement of the headquarters of each party and the joint military command. The Portuguese armed forces lacked equipment and commitment to the cause, while angolan nationalists faced each other and were not trained. [1] [3] Golden Colony: the most valuable colony, in this context we can understand as the preferred colony. Before we begin the brief doctoral thesis on the Alvor agreement, our interest is to give some information about Angola or the country we will be talking about. The main objective of the Portuguese government in the negotiations was to avoid the mass exodus of white Angolans. Paradoxically, the agreement allowed only the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA to nominate candidates in the first legislative elections, and bakongo deprived of their rights in the east of the country, the Cabindese (the inhabitants of Cabinda, an enclave in the north of the rest of Angola, many of whom wanted independence separate from Angola) and the whites. The Portuguese argued that white Angolans should join nationalist movements and that movements should moderate their platforms to broaden their political foundations. [3] Left-wing officers overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal during the Nail Revolution on April 25, 1974. The MPLA, FNLA and UNITA have concluded all peace agreements with the Interim Portuguese government and have begun to fight each other for control of the Angolan capital, Luanda, and the rest of the country.

Holden Roberto, Agostinho Neto and Jonas Savimbi met in July in Bukavu, Zaire, and agreed to negotiate with the Portuguese as a political entity. They met again on 5 January 1975 in Mombasa, Kenya, to stop the fighting against each other and outlined a common negotiating position for a new Constitution. They met for the third time from 10 to 15 January in Alvor, Portugal, and signed the so-called “Alvor” agreement. [1] Many analysts criticized the Portuguese interim government for the violence that followed the Alvor agreement, as it had not turned to Angola`s internal security and preference for the MPLA. High Commissioner Coutinho, one of the seven leaders of the national salvation junta, openly distributed ancient weapons and Portuguese military equipment to MPLA troops. [1] [8] [3] Edward Mulcahy, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs at the U.S. State Department, asked Tom Killoran, Consul General of the United States of Angola, to congratulate the PMC, not FNLA and UNITA, alone and Coutinho, for Portugal`s “relentless and long efforts” towards a peace agreement. [3] [9] U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger deemed unacceptable any government to which the pro-Soviet Communist MPLA was involved, but U.S. President Gerald Ford oversaw increased aid to the FNLA.

[10] The contract, to which the FLEC did not